09-14-2025, 05:34 PM
(09-14-2025, 05:03 PM)UltraBudgie Wrote: Because when people hear the President who is deploying the National Guard apparently aligning himself on the same side of an issue (crush the left) that actual Nazis are aligned with, they draw a connection between the two. Now, I agree it seems a lot like larping or glowing or whatever, but a lot of people don't agree with me. And it always is, until it isn't.
Yay more WCSWNFB
So spell it out so how do we get from the National Guard to the Reichstag to Nazis knocking on the door...
![[Image: Screenshot%202025-08-20_19-55-57-3541.jpg]](https://denyignorance.com/uploader/images/Screenshot%202025-08-20_19-55-57-3541.jpg)
Quote:
Potential Vulnerabilities and Why They're Mitigated
While no system is foolproof—Trump's actions test norms, and "competitive authoritarianism" (tilted elections without full dictatorship) is a risk—the U.S. has endured worse (e.g., Watergate, internment camps) without collapsing. Barriers to amending the Constitution (two-thirds congressional approval + three-fourths state ratification) block easy power grabs. International alliances and economic interdependence also deter isolationist authoritarianism. Ultimately, the system's strength lies in its people and institutions' commitment to norms; deviations, like D.C.'s deployment, provoke swift pushback, making a Nazi-like rise structurally improbable.
Many on the left equate Trump sending the National guard to DC with the rise of Nazism?
How is the US set up where this isn't likely to happen
Context on the Comparisons to Nazism
In recent months, particularly since August 2025, President Trump's decision to federalize the Washington, D.C. police force and deploy approximately 800–2,300 National Guard troops (supplemented by units from Republican-led states like West Virginia, South Carolina, Ohio, and Tennessee) has sparked intense criticism from left-leaning activists, politicians, and media outlets. The stated purpose is a "crime crackdown" amid claims of rising violence, homelessness, and gang activity in D.C., though city officials, including Mayor Muriel Bowser, have noted that violent crime rates are at 30-year lows and the deployment lacks a clear mission beyond "presence patrols" and beautification efforts like trash pickup. Critics argue this represents an overreach, portraying D.C. as a "test case" for militarizing urban areas under federal control, with extensions threatened to cities like Memphis, Chicago, and Los Angeles.
Many on the left have drawn parallels to Nazism or fascism, viewing the move as an authoritarian power grab that echoes early tactics of suppression and militarized control. For instance:These comparisons stem from fears of eroded civil liberties, with lawsuits already filed (e.g., by D.C. Attorney General Brian Schwalb) alleging violations of the Posse Comitatus Act, which limits federal military involvement in domestic law enforcement. A federal judge in San Francisco ruled in September 2025 that a similar deployment in Los Angeles "willfully" broke the law, highlighting concerns of creating a "national police force." While some scholars debate whether Trump's style fits full fascism (preferring terms like "authoritarian populism"), the rhetoric underscores worries about democratic backsliding.
- Protesters from groups like CodePink interrupted Trump at a D.C. restaurant in September 2025, chanting "Free D.C., Free Palestine, Trump is the Hitler of our time!" in reference to both the Guard deployment and foreign policy.
- Opinion pieces, such as one in The Guardian (August 13, 2025), described it as "straight out of a fascist playbook," citing the unnecessary federal intrusion on local authority and Trump's apocalyptic rhetoric about "bloodthirsty criminals" and "roving mobs."
- On social media platforms like X (formerly Twitter), users have equated the occupation to Hitler's consolidation of power, with posts calling it "the militarization of America" and a "seizing control through our own military used against us." Democratic figures like Sen. Patty Murray have warned of "war" against American cities, while activists label it a step toward "preying on our children" under a "tyrant."
- Broader historical analogies invoke the Nazi SA (Stormtroopers) or early Weimar-era deployments, framing Trump's actions as normalizing military presence in civilian spaces to suppress dissent, especially in heavily Democratic areas.
Why Nazism-Like Authoritarianism Is Unlikely in the U.S.
The U.S. system, designed by the Founders to prevent concentrated power (as James Madison wrote in Federalist No. 51, "ambition must be made to counteract ambition"), incorporates multiple layers of checks that make a full authoritarian takeover—let alone something akin to Nazism's total state control—highly improbable. These safeguards are both formal (constitutional and legal) and informal (norms and institutional culture), though they rely on adherence and can be tested during crises. Unlike Weimar Germany, where weak institutions and economic collapse enabled rapid consolidation, the U.S. has robust, decentralized mechanisms that distribute authority and empower opposition. Below, I outline key protections, focusing on their role in preventing military-enabled dictatorship.
1. Separation of Powers and Checks and Balances2. Federalism and State Sovereignty
- The Constitution divides authority among three co-equal branches: executive (President), legislative (Congress), and judicial (courts). No single branch can dominate.
- Congress: Controls funding (e.g., the National Guard's budget requires congressional approval via the National Defense Authorization Act) and can impeach officials for abuses. It has already pushed back on Trump's deployments through oversight hearings and budget riders. For instance, while Republicans control Congress, bipartisan resistance could emerge if expansions violate laws like the Insurrection Act (which allows presidential military deployment but requires congressional review after 60 days).
- Judiciary: Independent federal courts can strike down unlawful actions. Recent rulings against Trump's Guard uses (e.g., the Posse Comitatus violation in L.A.) demonstrate this; the Supreme Court, despite its conservative tilt, has historically upheld limits on executive overreach (e.g., Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 1952, blocking Truman's steel mill seizure).
- Outcome: This fragmentation prevents a "Führer"-style figure from unilaterally militarizing society. Any attempt to suspend habeas corpus or declare martial law nationwide would face immediate legal challenges and require congressional consent.
3. Military Professionalism and the Oath to the Constitution
- Power is shared between federal and state governments, making nationwide control difficult. States control their own National Guard units unless federalized (under Title 10 of the U.S. Code), and governors can refuse or challenge deployments.
- In D.C.'s case (unique as a federal district without full statehood), the president has more direct authority via the D.C. Home Rule Act, but even here, local leaders like Bowser have sued and mobilized protests. For other cities, Democratic governors (e.g., J.B. Pritzker in Illinois) have vowed resistance to threats against Chicago, potentially invoking state militias or National Guard refusals.
- Blue states could pass laws shielding residents from federal overreach, such as sanctuary policies or civil suits against unlawful Guard actions.
- Outcome: Unlike centralized Nazi Germany, the U.S.'s 50 states act as "laboratories of democracy" (per Justice Brandeis), fragmenting any authoritarian push. Historical precedents, like Southern states resisting federal integration in the 1950s–60s, show how federalism can cut both ways but ultimately diffuses power.
4. Elections, Free Press, and Civil Society
- The U.S. military is apolitical and swears allegiance to the Constitution, not the president (per 10 U.S.C. § 502). This "citizen-soldier" ethos, rooted in the Founders' fears of standing armies, prevents blind obedience.
- Officers like Gen. Mark Milley (during Trump's first term) resisted unlawful orders, such as shooting protesters, emphasizing anti-fascist traditions from WWII. The Uniform Code of Military Justice punishes illegal orders, and the Pentagon has protocols for refusing them.
- Deployments like D.C.'s have confused troops themselves, with reports of "fatigue and demoralization" over vague missions like "gardening," underscoring the military's reluctance for domestic policing.
- Outcome: A Nazi-style paramilitary loyalty cult is incompatible; the military's 1.3 million active personnel are diverse, professional, and trained to prioritize law over personal fealty. Retired generals have publicly warned against authoritarianism, adding informal deterrence.
Potential Vulnerabilities and Why They're Mitigated
- Regular elections (every two years for Congress, four for president) provide accountability. Midterms in 2026 could shift power if deployments alienate voters, as seen in backlash to similar actions in 2020.
- A free press and vibrant civil society amplify dissent: Protests in D.C. (e.g., marches against the "occupation") and media coverage (from The New York Times to The Atlantic) expose abuses, unlike Nazi Germany's censored environment.
- The Second Amendment arms citizens (over 300 million firearms), serving as a "palladium of liberties" (per Justice Joseph Story) against tyranny, though it's more a deterrent than a practical tool.
- Outcome: These enable "popular resistance," as in recent D.C. lawsuits and protests. Economic stability (U.S. GDP per capita >$80,000) further insulates against the desperation that fueled 1930s extremism.
While no system is foolproof—Trump's actions test norms, and "competitive authoritarianism" (tilted elections without full dictatorship) is a risk—the U.S. has endured worse (e.g., Watergate, internment camps) without collapsing. Barriers to amending the Constitution (two-thirds congressional approval + three-fourths state ratification) block easy power grabs. International alliances and economic interdependence also deter isolationist authoritarianism. Ultimately, the system's strength lies in its people and institutions' commitment to norms; deviations, like D.C.'s deployment, provoke swift pushback, making a Nazi-like rise structurally improbable.
His mind was not for rent to any god or government
Always hopeful yet discontent, knows changes aren't permanent
But change is
Professor Neil Ellwood Peart
![[Image: PEART-2744335652.gif]](https://denyignorance.com/uploader/images/PEART-2744335652.gif)
Always hopeful yet discontent, knows changes aren't permanent
But change is
Professor Neil Ellwood Peart
![[Image: PEART-2744335652.gif]](https://denyignorance.com/uploader/images/PEART-2744335652.gif)




